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Fairuz's son, Ziad Rahbani, sparked controversy in December during an interview with the Al-Ahed website when asked whether his mother shared his supportive stance on the political vision of Hassan Nasrallah , the leader of Hezbollah , a dominant but highly controversial political and military force in Lebanon. Ziad replied: "Fairuz is very fond of Sayyed Hassan [Nasrallah], although she will be displeased with me, as she was after my last television interview, when I revealed some personal information and she quickly interrupted me".

If such a person were to say that he or she liked someone, then all hell would break loose". Fairuz is the Arab world's most famous and most listened-to singer. For decades, almost all radio stations in the Arab world have been starting their morning broadcast with a Fairuz song. In , Billboard stated "even after five decades at the top, Fairuz remains the supreme Diva of Lebanon".

In a article, BBC described her as "the legendary Lebanese singer and greatest living Arab diva". In an article about world music, The Independent stated "All young female singers in this region seem to be clones of her" and that "she's such an important artist that you have to get to grips with her".

In her performances, she is hieratic and melancholic, standing motionless in front of the microphone. When questioned by Neil MacFarquhar about her seriousness, she answered that she still feels stage fright. She claims to sing as if she were praying.

Realpolitik

Fairuz possesses a large repertoire of songs. She has also been offered prestigious awards and titles over the years see Fairuz Awards and Recognitions. Around 85 Fairuz CDs, vinyls and cassettes have been officially released so far. Most of the songs that are featured on these albums were composed by the Rahbani brothers. Many of Fairuz's numerous unreleased works date back to the s and s and were composed by the Rahbani Brothers certain unreleased songs, the oldest of all, are by Halim el Roumi.

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A Fairuz album composed by Egyptian musician Riad Al Sunbati who has worked with Umm Kulthum was produced in , but is unlikely to be released. There are also fifteen unreleased songs composed by Philemon Wehbe and 24 unreleased songs composed by Ziad Rahbani in the s. The Rahbani Brothers produced 25 popular musical plays 20 with Fairuz over a period of more than 30 years. They were possibly the first to produce world-class Arabic musical theatre. The musicals combined storyline, lyrics and dialogue, musical composition varying widely from Lebanese folkloric and rhythmic modes to classical, westernized, and oriental songs, orchestration, and the voice and acting of Fairuz.

The Rahbani plays expressed patriotism, unrequited love and nostalgia for village life, comedy, drama, philosophy, and contemporary politics. The songs performed by Fairuz as part of the plays have become immensely popular among the Lebanese and Arabs around the world. Most of the musical plays were recorded and video-taped. An unauthorized version of Petra and one such live version of Mais el Reem in black and white exist.

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Other television programmes and appearances have been recorded for Syrian and Lebanese TV alike, though neither these nor the ones mentioned above are available. Media related to Fairuz at Wikimedia Commons.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Lebanese singer.


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March Learn how and when to remove this template message. This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately , especially if potentially libelous or harmful. Arabic music Lebanese music. Assi El Rahbani. This section of a biography of a living person does not include any references or sources. Contentious material about living people that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately.

Main article: Fairuz discography. Lebanon portal Biography portal. Retrieved November 21, Archived from the original on April 4, Agence France-Presse. January 28, Archived from the original on July 7, Retrieved September 28, Al Jadid. Archived from the original on 23 January Retrieved 14 January Forum for International Art and Culture. Retrieved January 14, Archived from the original on October 15, Retrieved October 14, World music: the rough guide.

Africa, Europe and the Middle East, Volume 1. Rough Guides.

Arab Dating in Australia

The Telegraph. February 8, Archived from the original on May 9, Retrieved December 28, The New York Times.

Retrieved May 2, Vogue Arabia. November 21, Retrieved September 21, The National. Retrieved September 4, Retrieved October 9, Milwaukee Journal. Associated Press. October 4, A Treasury of Kahlil Gibran. Open Road Media. December 20, Archived from the original on December 20, Los Angeles Times. Retrieved January 31, The Christian Science Monitor. June 21, Retrieved July 10, June 22, July 21, Archived from the original on April 2, Retrieved March 21, Retrieved February 4, Popular Culture in the Arab World: arts, politics, and the media Illustrated ed. American University in Cairo Press.

ArteEast Quarterly. Archived from the original on July 22, Popular culture and nationalism in Lebanon: the Fairouz and Rahbani nation. The Guardian. The Daily Star. December 21, Retrieved February 1, The Los Angeles Times. Al Arabiya. This does not, however, exclude the possibility that revolutions may occur in more pluralistic societies as well.

One of which was a "spring of despotic states that receive assistance and legitimacy from a world system centered around stability". Two months into the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings, The Economist magazine in a leader article spoke about a new generation of young people, idealists, "inspired by democracy" made revolutions.

Those revolutions, the article stated, "are going the right way, with a hopeful new mood prevailing and free elections in the offing". Some observers, however, have questioned the revolutionary nature of the 'Arab Spring'. A social theorist specialising in social movements and social change in the Middle East, Asef Bayat , has provided an analysis based on his decades-long of research as "a participant-observer" his own words.

In his appraisal of the Arab revolutions, Bayat discerns a remarkable difference between these revolutions and the revolutions of the s and s in countries like Yemen, Nicaragua and Iran. The Arab revolutions, argues Bayat, "lacked any associated intellectual anchor" and the predominant voices, "secular and Islamists alike, took free market, property relations, and neoliberal rationality for granted" and uncritically. Thus their "political objective is not to capture the state", a fundamental feature in the twentieth-century revolutionary movements.

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Wael Ghonim , an Internet activist who would later gain an international fame, acknowledged that what he had intended by founding a Facebook page was a "simple reaction to the events in Tunisia" and that "there was no master plans or strategies" a priori. It called for "coalition and co-operation between all factions and national forces to reach the reform and the peaceful change of the conditions of Egypt". According to Cambridge sociologist Hazem Kandil, the Muslim Brotherhood did not aim at taking power during the events leading up to the toppling of Mubarak.

The biggest and most organised organisation in Egypt in fact negotiated with the regime in "infamous talks between Morsi and the then vice-president Omar Suleiman ", and "an informal deal was reached: withdraw your members from Tahrir Square, and we allow you to form a political party. The Brotherhood and the Salafists went all-out to keep the existing constitution—originating under Sadat— with a few amendments.

The result was irrelevant, because the military scrapped the old constitution anyway. But the Brothers managed to persuade over 70 per cent of the voters, so it became clear to the military that they had far more sway on the street than the secular revolutionaries who had brought down Mubarak, yet seemed incapable of much organization once they had done so.

For SCAF, the priority was to bring the street under control, so it decided to start working with the Brotherhood to stabilize the country. He characterises the uprisings as "largely unsuccessful revolution" and that they "bare a family resemblance to the 'negotiated revolutions' Negotiated revolutions Although Egyptian intellectualls enjoyed a bigger margin of freedom than their counterparts in Tunisia, cultural figures sought protection from political players, and instead of leading criticism, they complied.