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Your Name. Email Address. Enter the code as shown below:. Send message Please wait Copy Event URL. Events are social. Allow Facebook friends to see your upcoming events? Yes Recommended Yes Recommended. Eventually a successful push was made against Napthine on 20 August , when Doyle was elected parliamentary leader, with Phil Honeywood replacing Louise Asher as deputy leader. As it turned out, the new leaders were to have just days to pull their team together, to prepare and present a set of policies, and to make their mark in the electorate, before facing the electorate on 30 November.

In the National Party's election return of 7 of 88 seats was meagre; fifty years earlier it had held over a quarter of the Legislative Assembly seats. By common consent, it had suffered during its period in coalition during the Kennett years apparently due to its presence within the Government being overlooked or ignored. Ryan came to office convinced of the need for his party to make it clearer to the electorate that it was not just an appendage of the Liberal Party: 'People want to be able to see us as an individual party'.

According to Ryan, the new look was designed to identify the Party as solely focused on country Victoria where, he reminded journalists, 25 per cent of the state's population was to be found. Despite this effort, opinion polls suggested the party looked to have little chance of increasing its parliamentary representation in any substantial way. Outside of the metropolitan area its opinion poll rating registered at less than ten per cent of voters. To add to the VicNats' difficulties the redistribution had abolished its seat of Wimmera.

Despite all of the party's difficulties, however, Ryan expressed his confidence that the party would replace Wimmera with Lowan, and was optimistic of regaining Benalla, lost when the previous leader, Pat McNamara, left the Parliament in In the Legislative Council, though, there was a worry that the VicNats might at least lose the North Eastern province, and the by-election for Western Province gave them some concern. The Victorian Greens approached this election with some confidence, boosted by their New South Wales colleagues' unexpected win in the by-election for the House of Representatives seat of Cunningham just six weeks before.

Opinion polls had them hovering in the per cent range, suggesting that they might have a significant impact on the election result, not least through their preferences. In the Commonwealth House of Representatives election the highest Green vote had been the These were all inner-Melbourne seats in which there seemed to be much support for Green-sponsored issues. In the State election the Greens believed the Green inner-city vote would play an important part in the electorates of Melbourne, Richmond, Northcote and Brunswick.

The Australian Democrats have not paid much attention to Victorian Legislative Assembly elections, running no candidates in and just six candidates in and They have concentrated their effort on upper house seats, winning a respectable 6. In they were to contest 16 of 22 Legislative Council provinces, plus a by-election in another, though opinion polls suggested that their Victorian vote was diminishing. Unlike Susan Davies' position in Bass, the redistribution of seats after the previous election seemed to do no serious damage to the chances of Craig Ingram in Gippsland East or Russell Savage in Mildura.

Ingram, in fact, had won the major concession of an increased flow of the Snowy River that began with the opening of the aqueduct near Jindabyne NSW on 28 August , an event that was likely to help him lift his first preferences from the The Government under Premier Steve Bracks entered the election contest with considerable confidence shown by the Premier's announcement of the election on the first possible day. One of his justifications for the announcement was the frustration of governing in a minority position: 'people often forget we are in a minority government'.

In going early, Bracks was in fact ignoring the wishes of the independents and acting contrary to a commitment he had made to them to support a full four-year term, but he obviously believed this would not be held against his party, despite him having said in May that he had 'no plans to advance the [election] timetable'. The Labor campaign was typical of modern government campaigns.

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The party was well organised, with its activities very tightly scripted and designed to fit well on each day's evening news. Premier Bracks bore the brunt of the campaign as is usual with popular leaders, and as he made no serious mistakes, he achieved what party planners had hoped, namely a controversy-free ride back into office.

The only mildly controversial promise was the pledge to phase out logging in the Otways and woodchipping in the Wombat forest, promises that drew criticism in the areas affected but not elsewhere. The ALP campaign slogan attempted to capitalise on Bracks' popularity, while deflecting criticism of the Government being obsessed with inquiries rather than decisive action: 'Steve Bracks. The Government made some promises, but there was little that could be criticised as too extravagant or too risky. In fact, there was nothing in Labor's campaign to modify the view that State government campaigns are typically built upon the leader of the government, for 'the Premier is usually seen as crucial to a [State] government's chances of re-election'.

The Liberal campaign got off to an awkward beginning. Claims that violent crime had increased under Labor were proven to be incorrect, and the party briefly attempted to resurrect the 'guilty party' theme that had been used in the two Kennett victories. State director Brian Loughnane defended this by claiming that party polling indicated concerns in the community of a return to the Cain-Kirner style of economic management:.

We think there is a very strong trend emerging about hesitations about a second-term Labor government that was not there six months ago. Effectively, neither this early foray, nor the replacement of Liberal leader, gave the party any sustained lift in the opinion polls upon which it might have been able to build. The Liberals struggled to gain the interest of the media in their policies, and seemed in danger of being lost in Labor's wake. It has been noticed elsewhere that if a State or Territory government appears to be in control of events and can successfully portray itself as more competent than its rivals, such a government is often able to entrench itself.

Doyle worked hard to achieve media attention with policies that were new and different, with some success:. During the campaign, however, the party suffered the bombshell of a frontbencher, Robert Dean, admitting that he was unable to contest his seat due to his failure to keep his electoral roll registration up-to-date.

Dean was removed from the electoral roll when the Victorian Electoral Commission discovered he was not living at his nominated address in the seat of Gembrook. Doyle later spoke of the Dean bombshell as having caused the party to lose crucial momentum in its campaigning.

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If all of this was not difficult enough for the Liberal Party to deal with, it also had to shake off the presence of former Premier Jeff Kennett who still loomed large over Victorian politics. Whenever the Government boasted of its restoration of local services, or warned of the Liberals threatening to return to the 'bad old days', it was, by implication, referring to the former Liberal Premier and his Government.

Labor television advertisements continually reminded voters of this. Labor advertisements also ran a tape of Kennett's public criticisms of Doyle's leadership qualifications that were made when Napthine's position was being challenged. Kennett clearly remained newsworthy: the press coverage of the Liberal policy launch gave undue space to his presence in the audience, while his departure from radio station 3AK in the last week of the campaign gained headlines that the Liberals would have preferred not to see.

As Labor's victory seemed more and more inevitable, Doyle began a stronger approach late in the campaign that was designed to minimise the size of the likely Labor majority:.

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Eventually the Liberal Party seemed in fact to be conceding defeat when it produced an advertisement that began, 'If Labor wins easily next Saturday Some Liberals were reported as resentful of what they saw as a defeatist approach. If the polls and the bookies are right The first casualty will be responsible, accountable government in our state. Peter Ryan used the campaign to push further the idea that his party was a player separate from the Liberal Party. He undertook a great deal of campaigning across rural Victoria, repeatedly assuring voters that if he were to find himself in coalition negotiations with the Liberals he would be demanding certain non-negotiable concessions.

Such assertions forced Doyle to respond to his claims. Labor won 62 of the 88 seats, the Liberal Party won 17 and the VicNats won seven. Two of the three independents, Russell Savage and Craig Ingram, were re-elected. Labor won its largest-ever proportion of Legislative Assembly seats Apart from Dean's earlier disappearance, among those defeated were Leonie Burke local government and women's affairs , Ian Cover sport and recreation, racing and youth affairs , Lorraine Elliott arts and community services , Carlo Furletti natural resources and energy , Geoff Leigh transport , Wendy Smith small business and Ron Wilson health in the National Party's twelve candidates garnered 4.

In the VicNats' sixteen candidates managed just 4. In the non-metropolitan region its vote of Its 12 parliamentary seats 7 in the Legislative Assembly, 5 in the Legislative Council meant that it retained parliamentary party status the Green tally of 9.

Despite winning significant first preference votes in Richmond The result-Legislative Council The electorate arrangements for the Legislative Council had long made it difficult for Labor to win a majority of Legislative Council seats being contested in a particular election. Few in the ALP seemed to believe these could be overcome-least of all in one cycle of elections. Labor needed to win 15 of the 22 seats being contested if it was to gain control of the Council. This really seemed unlikely, though some journalists believed it could be done, and as already noted the Liberal Party's Petro Georgiou clearly believed it a strong possibility.

The result was quite extraordinary, for Labor won 17 of the 22 seats increasing its membership from 14 to 25, giving it control of the chamber. This was almost unprecedented, for the ALP had previously controlled the upper house only for a few weeks following the election of The Liberals retained just three of the 13 seats they had held, and the VicNats won two seats.